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The crisis in Kosovo could be construed as “a long and observable series of interventions by strong states into the affairs of their weaker neighbors” (Hogde, 2000: 44). UNMIK failed to stop the hatred between Serbs and Albanians in

Kosovo and the endeavors of the latter to drive the former out of the territory (Ignatieff 2003: 51-2; 74). UNMIK and KFOR used the very premise on which the ethnic cleansing plan was built—ethnic differentiation—to institutionalize these constructed antagonisms in concrete everyday life facilities.

By enforcing rules and civil order through discrimination based on ethnic ties, the interim administration reduced the identity of Kosovars to a single dimension: that of ethnicity. The segregation of the Serbs in enclaves that KFOR created in northern Kosovo reemphasized cultural heterogeneity rather than multiethnic understanding. KFOR and UNMIK reinforced Belgrade’s pattern of domination indirectly. By evoking a golden past along a continuum of oppression dating from the Ottoman Empire to NATO, communist leaders had invested the Serbs with a special ‘chosen people’ status during the 1980s and 1990s.

The sense of victimhood rebounded on the Albanian population, as they redefined their identity by trying to cope with the Serbian state oppression. In terms of national identity, Albanians and Serbs were each others’ best allies (O’Neill 2002: 69): mass murders and expulsions of the majority population in Kosovo radicalized even some of the most fervent adherents of non-violence and justified their ideological commitment towards the KLA[1]. As a consequence, Albanian soft liners repositioned themselves towards a more extreme orientation for fear they might lose their status due to increased internal conflict[2].

According to the new doctrine promoting the international community’s ‘responsibility to protect’, the violation of self-determination of the Albanian minority amounted to a breach of international human rights law and required an international solution (Kuci 2005: 331). Although the 1999 cease-fire enabled foreign troops to enter Kosovo for peace-keeping operations, stereotypes and prejudice against the ethnicities defined as ‘the others’ prevailed in society for several years (Nikolic in Bieber and Daskalovski, 70). Ironically, KFOR’s ‘ideology of guardianship’ (Huntington 1968: 226) was molded on a communist status quo that the Kosovars had not defined themselves.

The UNMIK Constitution ignored both minority rights and rights to territorial self-determination (Daskalovski in Bieber and Daskalovski 2003: 25). The transitional government overlooked the predominance of nationalism among the two extremist factions competing for sovereign rights. If they had based their program on the premise that democracy is contingent on the rule of law, the internationals could have more easily brought about a “transition from a war economy to a peace economy” (Ignatieff 2003: 102). The internationals downplayed the importance of other identities related to nationality. Ultimately, this was not the only cultural resource individuals could use to adjust to new situations (Miller 1995: 86).

Individuals indirectly identified with ethnic or economic groups could have contributed most efficiently to institution-building. Nevertheless, in a NATO circle in which legitimacy equaled military power, these agents were quickly removed from the decision-making process. Bauman suggests that instead of reducing the “burden of individual rights […] by cutting down the right to choose,” the conditions “under which choices are made” need to be optimized and made “available to those who have been thus far denied access.” Accordingly, this requires taking several political steps incompatible with the model of ‘multicommunitarianism’ (Bauman in Malesevic and Haugaard 2002: 179). Since democratization requires self-government, the struggle for democracy ultimately concerns Kosovars, and not the UN (Pula in Bieber and Daskalovski 2003: 200, 212).

Such a culture would have also fostered the political responsibility of the local government “for the deeds and misdeeds of its predecessor and [of] every nation for the deeds and misdeeds of the past” (Arendt 1963, 1992: 298). Reconciliation could only occur when feelings of forgiveness and possibly a public excuse replace acts of vengeance (Duclos 2003: 145). As Surroi (1999: 21), the publisher of the Albanian newspaper Koha Ditore, recognized: Today's Serb victims, their lives measured out in collective danger and fear, represent not just the shame of a minority.

The shame must be shared collectively; we are all responsible, all those who filled so many television screens with scenes of our own pain. The shame must also be shared by the victims, the hundreds of women, children, and elderly who were massacred simply for being Albanian. Less than a month after coming to power, Kostunica stated that he was ready to take responsibility for Milosevic’s policy of ethnic cleansing and for the ensuing deaths (Bieber in Bieber and Daskalovski 2003: 332).

Today, the independence of Kosovo could precipitate the secession of the Serb minority remaining in the northern part of the region. The realization of this Serbian nationalist goal finds its counterpart in similar demands of the Albanian minorities of southern Serbian and northern Macedonia (Fawn 2008: 269). If the map of the Balkans will be again redrawn, transnational organizations should learn from their experiences in Kosovo not to prioritized ethnicity over other identities.

Limitations of the Study and Further Research

First of all, the fact that I had no direct access to Kosovo in order to do fieldwork constituted the main drawback of my research. Secondly, many opinion polls regarding national identities in the region were only available in Albanian or Serb-Croat. Thirdly, the paper could have benefited from a comprehensive study of external factors influencing local decision-making. I have tried to surpass these difficulties by referring to monographic and micro-social studies involving the local populations. To avoid a strictly interventionist perspective, I also consulted extensive French literature that underlined on both positive and negative aspects of the interim administration. Other issues related to national identities unexplored in this essay could produce useful results.

For instance, the relationship between foreign interventions and the level of violence could be extended to cases other than Kosovo in order to explore the reaction of the local population to humanitarian intervention. More questions arise regarding humanitarian interventions of the great powers in countries that lie outside their political spectrum. How does intervention shape the European or the American identity? Does it reinforce the classical dualist perception of a peaceful, disarmed Europe protected by a heavily militarized United States? Regarding Kosovo, studies on the patterns of recruitment within the KLA and on mass mobilization could further refine present theoretical models.

From a point of view of ‘non-decision-making’ and ‘non-action’[3], one could analyze the role that Ibrahim Rugova indirectly played in radicalizing the KLA through his non-violent tactics. A detailed study of the emergence of nationalist movements could take into account the role that other Yugoslav political actors besides Milosevic and leaders of neighboring countries played in fostering a heterogeneous political culture. Another approach could stress the role played in 1999 by the international media in constructing a specific image of the Balkans. This investigation could also explain how Serbia suddenly became a ‘villain’ in the post-Cold War period (Ron 2001: 112).

In the end, the main question regarding contemporary Balkan conflicts can also be posed in regards to the situation in present Serbia and Macedonia: how can Western institutions reflect and transmit the values of each and every Balkan culture without disempowering or discriminating between local ethnic communities?

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[1] As a general rule, non-violence often seems ‘unrealistic’. Violence proves more efficient than passive resistance in helping the aggrieved population to achieve their goals (Shaw 2003: 196). [2] For a detailed theoretical approach regarding the shift of soft liners towards extremist nationalist ideologies, see Carment and James 2000: 178. [3] See the Introduction in Power: A Radical View for more details (Lukes 2005: 14-59).